End Impunity is asking five international justice advocates from around the world five “simple” questions about their personal connection to the issue and the unique perspective that their region of the world provides them.
1. Why is the issue of international justice important to you?
Thank you for these important questions. The issue of international justice is very important because it is the only way to solve problems in a country that is not respecting the law. Throughout its history, Sudan has had no independent courts.
2. Does the region from where you are from have a particular perspective and attitude towards justice? How has this influenced you?
Yes, frankly all the marginalized people in my region have the same attitude. All of them are looking towards the ICC, and their perspective is that there is no other court that can bring justice but the ICC.
3. What are some successes and some failures of the International Criminal Court?
The success is that they ordered the capture of al-Basheer, but they are still waiting to catch him. We hope that this happens soon. The failure is that the UN Security Council does not help the ICC, and there are no forces that can participate in capturing the criminal. Countries are not doing this either, so what power will the ICC use to capture one of the 21st century’s greatest murderer?
4. Who are some of the perpetrators of mass crimes that you think should be indicted by the ICC? Do you think it will ever happen? Why?
There are many major criminals that should be indicted by the ICC. There are over fifty in Sudan that have committed atrocities against innocent people, and we can’t forget some of the rebel leaders and other elements. They should be indicted. Assistance must be given to the marginalized and victims.
5. How can the regular citizen from around the world play a part in the fight for international justice?
Citizens have a very important part to play because today change comes from citizens. As we’ve seen in many countries, it is regular people that are helping to throw out the bad regimes . It is the regular citizen that makes international justice move forward.
Thank you so much for sharing my thoughts with others.
T
T is a Darfuri refugee living in a camp in Eastern Chad. He is a teacher and a leader. When the Janjaweed militia (backed by Sudanese military forces) attacked his village and surrounding region, he led over 7,500 innocent civilians to safety. He has experienced torture and repression. He is a husband and father — and a strong believer in justice, trusting it will be the force that brings his people back home and allow for the re-building of a stronger Darfur.
End Impunity is asking five international justice advocates from around the world five “simple” questions about their personal connection to the issue and the unique perspective that their region of the world provides them.
1. Why is the issue of international justice important to you?
As a Palestinian, international justice is of obvious utmost importance. After witnessing the crimes committed by the Israeli government against our people, it is understandable that this is a personal conviction for the Palestinian people. The memory of the crimes committed by Israel in Gaza in particular is still fresh in our minds and it will stay that way. We will not be satisfied until the Israeli government is held accountable for their crimes. Our demand is simple – we want justice.
I have also worked on the Middle East and North Africa region for years and there is no greater demand than the demand for human rights and international justice. There are no exceptions. We, as civil society, believe in the cause and we are determined to ensure that it is a success for our generation and generations to come.
There is no doubt in my mind that the ICC and what it stands for remains at the center of the campaign to end impunity for the most heinous crimes. That is why we remain committed to ensuring a fair, effective and independent ICC which will which make people think twice and will work to prevent such heinous crimes.
2. Does the region from where you are from have a particular perspective and attitude towards justice? How has this influenced you?
Yes, of course. Like all Palestinians, growing up in Palestine – particularly in the first years of the Second Palestinian Intifada – the hunger for justice comes natural to us. We come from a region where only two years ago the thought of bringing our oppressors to justice was inconceivable. Now, it is becoming a reality.
Throughout the region, we have seen the fall of many of these perpetrators. Unfortunately, in some cases, such as in Yemen and Syria, these perpetrators have not had to answer for their crimes committed against their own people. Nevertheless, we remain optimistic that soon, they will have to answer to their people. We are witnessing revolutionary changes in the region. We must do our part and be part of that revolution which ensures the protection of our rights.
3. What are some successes and some failures of the International Criminal Court?
After only ten years, I would be quite hesitant to categorize the successes and failures of the Court. The fact that it is still up and running, investigating and prosecuting some of the world’s most heinous crimes is success enough. There was a time when the idea of the ICC was inconceivable as well.
On the other hand, I would not fully agree with the Court’s inabilities to tackle investigations and prosecutions in other parts of the world. Obviously, I have many reservations with the decisions, as well as the inability of the Court, to move forward with certain preliminary examinations including Palestine, Colombia and Afghanistan. Yet they Court is here to stay and we can hope that where civil society believes the Court has fallen short, justice will eventually be served.
4. Who are some of the perpetrators of mass crimes that you think should be indicted by the ICC? Do you think it will ever happen? Why?
I hope that there will come a time where States in the region join the ICC so as to implement the Rome Statute in their national systems. The Court was established to be a court of last resort, where States have the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.
Unfortunately, we are not there yet. The Court remains the only possible option to try these perpetrators. The fact remains that since the Court’s existence, these heinous crimes have been committed in the region. These perpetrators are not within the reach of the ICC. As such, I can only State the obvious – that victims in Darfur, Palestine and Syria deserve to see their oppressors brought before the Court. I believe in the Court and what it can achieve and I will always remain optimistic. On that note, I would say that times are changing and it is only a matter of time before that happens. The status quo cannot hold for much longer.
5. How can the regular citizen from around the world play a part in the fight for international justice?
Pushing for their own government’s support and engagement with the Court. The Court was established with the idea that it would be represented by all States – it is still en route to that goal.
States must represent the will of their citizens. I can say that in the region, we are steadfast in the fight against impunity. We want to strengthen this system and – particularly over the past couple of years – many States are now representing that will. Our ultimate aim must be to push our governments and our legislators to play an active and effective role in the fight. We are no longer working from the top-down, but the bottom-up and we ourselves must play an active and effective role in making our governments represent the our will in joining the fight for international justice.
Ata Hindi has formerly worked as Middle East, North Africa and Europe Outreach Liaison for the Coalition for the ICC. He also worked as Legal Investigator with the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry. He holds an MS in Global Affairs and a BA in Political Science from Rutgers University.
End Impunity is asking five international justice advocates from around the world five “simple” questions about their personal connection to the issue and the unique perspective that their region of the world provides them.
1. Why is the issue of international justice important to you?
Since the fall of Soeharto in 1998, Indonesia faces the problem of impunity. A number of violations and past human rights abuses cases have not been revealed by the State. Even though there were several cases such as the East Timor atrocities in 1999 and Tanjung Priok in 1984 already tried by the ad-hoc human rights tribunal. Unfortunately, these tribunals failed to provide justice, especially for victims and their families. Moreover, the Law of Human Rights Court of 2000 was used to try the perpetrator and not fulfill the standard of international law as regulated in the Rome Statute. Having said that, international justice has become important to achieve and there remains a continued effort for justice at the national level that would terminate the chain of impunity.
2. Does the region from where you are from have a particular perspective and attitude towards justice? How has this influenced you?
Unfortunately, Asia, and especially Southeast Asia, has contributed little to the issues of justice and accountability. Only a few countries such Indonesia and the Philippines have made efforts to achieve justice in the framework of combating impunity. However, “diplomacy” has undermined these efforts resulting in false reconciliation among states. One example is the establishment of the Commission on Truth and Friendship (CTF) between Indonesia and Timor Leste in 2005.
This commission was actually a reaction by Indonesia to the recommendation by the Commission of Experts to Review Prosecution of Serious Violations of Human Rights in Timor Leste (the then East Timor) in 1999 on 26 May 2005. One of recommendations was to establish the international criminal tribunal for Timor Leste since Indonesia failed to bring justice in a case where almost all perpetrators were freed by the ad-hoc human rights tribunal. In the end, the commission avoided any form of justice and accountability.
Based on this experience, there is a strong will from civil society in Indonesia and Timor Leste to seek justice in this case. In Southeast Asia, civil societies embrace justice and accountability by sharing their experiences which in turn strengthens our network throughout the region.
3. What are some successes and some failures of the International Criminal Court?
For the first time, the world has an independent and impartial court which attracted even the powerful countries to join or consider joining. Of course, the court should always keep its independence and impartiality, so that it is not wrongly interpreted as an institution which can be used for intervention in state’s law and sovereignty.
The main criticism of the ICC Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) is its inability to investigate the atrocities outside the African continent. The atrocities in Burma, for instance, should be considered for investigation by the OTP, since the atrocities are massive, organized and supported by the state’s policies.
It is a must for the OTP to follow up any report from states or international organizations and civil societies regarding atrocities around the world, particularly when the evidence is clearly in their hand. Additionally, the OTP should dare to challenge members of the UN Security Council and convince them with strong arguments, such as when there is the failure to maintain responsibility to protect within a country that is not party to the statute.
4. Who are some of the perpetrators of mass crimes that you think should be indicted by the ICC? Do you think it will ever happen? Why?
President Omar Al Bashir of Sudan is one of the persons that should be tried by the court and so is Joseph Kony of the Lord Resistance Army. Allowing them to be free for so long gives them time to improve their image, so people do not think they are criminals. It is the right time for the OTP tofacilitate cooperation among states to arrest these people immediately.
Also Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen is an appropriate person to try in the court. Unfortunately he has been “saved” and continues with impunity because of an agreement by the UN. Once again, if the court allows this to happen it will become a bad precedent for the court, and some despotic regimes such Bashar Al Assad of Syria will also try to use this “Yemen Solution.” The court should play the important role to prevent the same situation in dealing with the situation in Syria.
5. How can the regular citizen from around the world play a part in the fight for international justice?
We can work together across border with all the citizens of the world to promote international justice and combat impunity. It is the time for us to join a united front against impunity. There is no reconciliation without justice. For such a purpose, it is important for civil society to continue our efforts to convince governments, law enforcers, and the military that joining the ICC and promoting international justice can prevent serious violations recognized by international law. Also, by celebrating the World Day of International Justice, we are embracing humanity and justice and reminding the world of the danger of impunity.
Bhatara Ibnu Reza is an Operational Director and a researcher of IMPARSIAL the Indonesian Human Rights Monitor. He is also an expert-member and a spoke-person of the Indonesian Civil Society for the International Criminal Court which is member of the Coalition International of the International Criminal Court. He works as a visiting lecturer of international law and international relations in several universities in Jakarta, Tangerang Bandung in Indonesia and also author several publications which can be found in Indonesian Journal International Law, the National Commission of Human Rights Journal and many local publications.
He graduated from Trisakti University in international law and hold two masters degree in International Relations from the University of Indonesia and graduate with honors in International Human Rights from Northwestern University School of Law, where he enroll as a Fulbright Scholar.
End Impunity is asking five international justice advocates from around the world five “simple” questions about their personal connection to the issue and the unique perspective that their region of the world provides them.
1. Why is the issue of international justice important to you?
A world without justice is a world without progress and prosperity. We cannot expect to change the circumstances of the world’s poorest by raising their incomes alone. Safeguarding human rights is one of the surest ways out of absolute poverty, prioritizing genuine empowerment over quick fix attempts at economic development.
2. Does the region from where you are from have a particular perspective and attitude towards justice? How has this influenced you?
As an American citizen, I have been routinely disappointed with my government’s insistence on abandoning policies of justice in the name of homeland security and national interest. The global citizenry is starting to demand greater accountability from its leaders, presenting the United States with an opportunity for true leadership in championing universal rights. As a nation of remarkable power, I see it as our responsibility not to determine what is right, but to protect justice as defined by the international community.
3. What are some successes and some failures of the International Criminal Court?
This year marked the first ever conviction by the ICC, bringing Charles Taylor to some degree of justice. It is a landmark success, and hopefully one of many convictions to follow. However, because of its participatory nature, the court faces great adversity in carrying out its noble mission. There is no easy answer to bolster the ICC’s clout, but until it can do so, its successes will be limited.
4. Who are some of the perpetrators of mass crimes that you think should be indicted by the ICC? Do you think it will ever happen? Why?
Bashar al-Assad and his defense ministers ought to be next among the ICC’s indicted. The crimes perpetrated against the Syrian government against its own citizens have been a true crime against humanity. Regardless of the uprising’s outcome, those at the Hague should hasten to direct their attention towards Damascus, providing the international community with further justification for a firmer stance against Assad.
5. How can the regular citizen from around the world play a part in the fight for international justice?
By making themselves known to policymakers. Investigating injustices and demanding action is a simple, yet essential method. Pick an ongoing issue that matters to you, and make your voice heard by those with the resources and power to enact some change.
The answers do not need to be long — it’s really up to you. Could you also send us a short bio for you (and it can be as simple as a couple of lines) and if you have a picture of you you’d like us to use. If there’s a link to where you’d want us to point people to, you can include that also.
Alex Leader is a student of public policy at the University of Michigan. He represents the international development organization, Oxfam America, on campus and has been working with them for the last 2 years. Following graduation, he plans to work on agriculture in developing nations with hopes of eventually joining the foreign service. Alex has spent the summer in Boston at Oxfam America’s headquarters and blogging for End Impunity.
It is widely accepted that there are eight stages to an act of genocide. Contrary to popular belief, mass murder occurs during the seventh stage of this process (although loss of life is common throughout the previous stages), with the first six being classification, symbolisation, dehumanisation, organisation, polarisation and preparation.
The eighth stage of genocide is denial, and it can happen anytime while the atrocity is occurring or for years after. A common tactic implemented by the perpetrators of atrocities, denial does not simply involve the refuting of alleged atrocities. The questioning of statistics including the numbers of victims, the validity of evidence, and the motives behind the states accusing those who are responsible are all forms of denial. Unfortunately, the dangerous denial of such heinous crimes as those being carried out in Syria is increasingly becoming a standpoint of onlookers in Western societies.
Media portrayal of events plays a big part in this. When reports of a ‘breadline massacre’ in Bosnia broke in 1992, there was public outrage. A Serb shell hit a line of civilians queuing for food. This left twenty-two dead and scores more injured. Whilst this was a despicable act, it proved to be a watershed moment in how events in Bosnia were to be viewed by other states. It eventually led to direct intervention the following year.
Similar crimes against humanity have recently been found to have taken place in Syria. Human Rights Watch has gathered evidence relating to at least ten massacres of civilians merely queuing to buy bread over a two-week period last month.
These atrocities are yet to be reported by mainstream media, a form of genocide and atrocity denial. By not relaying information such as this, public opinion remains divided as to who is behind the brutality taking place in Syria, and ultimately, what should be done about it. Such division also provides Assad’s denial of these crimes with potential credence. In democratic countries where vote-winning policies tend to come before those of humanitarian interest, it is imperative that the public unite against these violations of human rights so state leaders will act decisively in the interest of Syrian civilians and the perpetrators of these crimes can be brought to justice.
Photo: Victims of the Markale Market Massacres in Sarajevo, August 28, 1995
End Impunity is asking five international justice advocates from around the world five “simple” questions about their personal connection to the issue and the unique perspective that their region of the world provides them.
1. Why is the issue of international justice important to you?
I was born in Argentina, during the Dirty War. I belong to the generation of sons and daughters of the so-called “desaparecidos.” One of my first memories is of the trials against the military juntas – I remember asking my parents why they were so scared of the “military” and the “dictators” as they used to call them, because whenever there was a threat of a military coup (which was very common back in my country in the 1980s), I could see them shaking and asking us to stay quiet if something happens. I was raised with the idea that there will not be peace in the country without accountability, justice and redress. As I grew up, I realized that sometimes local justice systems are unable and/or unwilling to pursue justice for different reasons (lack of willingness or capacity to name a few) and that there are international justice mechanisms that could help bring justice to those who need it.
2. Does the region from where you are from have a particular perspective and attitude towards justice? How has this influenced you?
I truly believe that Latin America has a very positive attitude towards justice, regardless of some setbacks in Peru and Honduras. The region played an important role in the Rome Conference of 1998 which established the Rome Statute, the founding treaty of the ICC. The ICC has jurisdiction in most of the countries of the region since they have ratified or acceded to the treaty; the exceptions are Nicaragua, El Salvador and Cuba. Also, if you take a quick look at the region, you will see that most of the countries have suffered internal conflicts, but have created truth commissions (Peru, Guatemala, Argentina, Chile, most recently Brazil, just to name a few) and/or have prosecuted those who committed grave crimes. For example, in Guatemala, former de facto President Rios Montt is being prosecuted for genocide, and Argentina has prosecuted (and sentenced) former de facto President Videla for crimes against humanity. There is a regional tendency to share experiences among us and it is really impressive how the HR community in Latin America celebrates when there is an achievement in justice, and when there is a setback, everybody offers help to see how to overcome the disappointment. I believe we are still learning and there is a lot to learn, but there is light at the end of the tunnel.
3. What are some successes and some failures of the International Criminal Court?
Expectations were high when the Rome Statute was adopted, and they were still high when it entered into force in 2002. I was part of the beginnings of this historical court. I started working for the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC) – a coalition of over 2000 civil society organizations advocating for a fair, effective and independent ICC – when the ICC had only 6 ratifications. I remember my mentor, former boss, and current Convener of the CICC William R. Pace saying that we were witnessing history. He could not have been more right. But in only 10 years of existence, it would prove impossible for a nascent and exceptional ICC to meet the demands of human rights violations around the globe.
As a criticism, I believe that the ICC Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) has failed to open an official investigation in any country outside Africa, despite the existence of grave situations that fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC in Latin America, such as Colombia and Honduras, as well as Asia, such as Afghanistan. The final drafting of the Crime of Aggression at the Kampala Review Conference in 2010 could suggest that it will take a long, long time for this crime to come into force, which to me is a another obstacle to rendering truly effective justice.
Despite this, there are many successes: the sole existence of the ICC is a success for us all. The Rome Statute is the most important instrument available in the international criminal justice system to prevent mass atrocities, to strengthen national judiciaries, penal codes, and to bring justice to victims of heinous crimes. It is also the first institution to put forward high standards in terms of monitoring gender crimes, fairness of proceedings, and victims’ rights.
I think that we should be critical yet patient: just as Rome was not built in a day, the Rome system still needs time to grow.The ICC will not stop all atrocities from happening but it plants a question for potential perpetrators: What if the ICC comes for me?
4. Who are some of the perpetrators of mass crimes that you think should be indicted by the ICC? Do you think it will ever happen? Why?
At the moment, I believe the situation in Syria should be referred to the ICC. Given that Syria is not party to the ICC and the only way the ICC can act is if the UNSC refers the situation, the odds are scarce.
I hope those who are indicted by the ICC,namely Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, Bosco Ntaganda, and Joseph Kony (three of the most wanted) should be arrested and transferred to the ICC for a fair trial.
5. How can the regular citizen from around the world play a part in the fight for international justice?
We can all contribute to the fight for international justice. It is important to advocate by spreading the word, talking to our kids and to our friends about justice and its merits, using social networks to raise awareness that there are people out there who are living terrible lives suffering at the hands of merciless killers, and that maybe and very possibly it could be us tomorrow.
Some other actions that every person can take that are very important are for them to reach out to their congressmen, senators, presidents, judicial institutions and bodies, international/regional organizations in order to denounce crimes and call for the upholding of justice. Everyone can also help with NGOs working to end impunity, help with development organizations aiding in building competent national judicial systems; they can even organize events to discuss these issues, or protests/demonstrations to end impunity (good opportunity is International Justice Day, July 17th); start petitions,
We are not alone in this world. We have to learn to exercise empathy and solidarity.
Mariana Rodriguez Pareja (Argentina) holds a JD and is a PhD candidate in Law and Social Sciences at the Universidad del Museo Social Argentino (UMSA). Professional training: Pontificia Universidad Católica el Perú, Columbia University in New York, Ministry Of Justice and Human Rights in Argentina and at the Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, San José, Costa Rica
Mariana is currently the Director of the Human Rights Program at Asuntos del Sur (ADS) and previous held positions include Media Strategist and Communications Manager at the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC) in New York, Buenos Aires and Lima. She consulted briefly with the Presidency of the International Criminal Court in Santiago de Chile and Human Rights Watch, in Buenos Aires.
Author of several publications, she is also a journalist, writer and blogger. Some of her articles can be found at International Justice Central, Global Memo, Justice in Conflict, International Justice Tribune, Rights International Spain, International Center for Human Rights at Ottawa University, Revista Cladem, Argenpress, The ICC Monitor, World Federalist News, Choike.uy, Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, Revista Signos, Medios Lentos and Noticias SER.
Twitter handle: @maritaerrepe
End Impunity is looking for a dedicated volunteer to begin in September 2012 to develop an annual justice poster contest (name to be determined), with the first contest to beginning soon thereafter. They will be responsible for assisting in the creation and development of the rules and regulations, logistics of accepting and voting on entries, and implementing the contest.
Using visual art and media, the annual justice poster contest aims to create awareness around international justice issues, the International Criminal Court, and ending impunity. The winning poster would be printed and distributed globally.
Essential Tasks:
- Research online poster contests and create timeline for the Justice Poster Contest
- Develop rules and regulations
- Develop logistics of accepting and voting on images
- Develop an outreach plan
- Help design webpage(s)
- Coordinate and conduct multi-pronged outreach for the first poster contest
- Handle inquiries and questions
- Maintain database of entries
- Facilitate judging
- Coordinate printing and distribution of winning design
Qualifications:
- Interest in international social justice issues
- Project coordination experience
- Experience with outreach
- Experience with or desire to work with artists
Time Commitment
10 hours a week in order to get the poster contest off the ground in 2012
Preferably starting in September 2012
If interested, please contact info@endimpunity.com.
The embattled citizens of Aleppo have now endured over two grueling weeks of shelling from Syrian government forces. Indeed, army defections are piling up at an accelerating pace, but this asset for the rebel fighters is countered by the sheer fact they are outmanned and outgunned. What happens in the “sleeping giant” that is Aleppo will almost certainly dictate the outcome of their struggle for a democratic Syria. President al-Assad knows it, and has pulled out all the stops in order to safeguard the government’s claim over this pivotal city.
If the severity the of regime’s transgressions against its own people were not already clear, the bombardment of Aleppo should dispel any doubt surrounding Assad’s criminality. Preoccupied with Damascus, the national army had eased its stranglehold on the country’s northern provinces, allowing for a rebel surge throughout the region as July came to a close. But the government response has been swift and merciless, flattening over 40 buildings in an indiscriminate frenzy of killing.
The failure of the Annan peace plan and the UN’s withdrawal have all but given Assad the green light to wage this unjust war however he sees fit. With Iranian assistance imminent, a resurgence of involvement from international community is overdue. There is no question that the latest atrocities committed against Syria’s most populous metropolis mark the culmination of a year’s worth of unequivocal war crimes. The ICC must add Syria to its existing list of seven situations under investigation with Bashar al-Assad and his defense ministers the first to be indicted.
Rwanda has persistently fueled the DR Congo’s M23 rebellion with a complete disregard for its impact on human rights, but as western governments become privy to the emerging ties, such recklessness may carry a significant cost. For the aid Kigali gives to Bosco Ntaganda’s successors, the UK and the Netherlands have retracted aid of their own from the tiny African nation. Rwanda’s combined losses total to over $30 million, only a fraction of its donors’ annual monetary assistance, but still enough to make a statement. President Paul Kagame has been revered for his reconciliatory stance regarding domestic policy, but his proxy wars throughout Congo’s devastated Kivu region indicate an entirely different agenda.
He and the rest of his administration have rebuked the aid cuts, and see the West’s reasoning as nothing but false allegations. The two European nations are following in the wake of a U.S. decision to decrease its military aid by $200,000, which, considering the circumstances, is a predictably paltry amount. Instead, Germany demonstrated a sense of leadership and suspended an aid plan that was scheduled through 2015.
These actions do appear more punitive than corrective, but they are carefully designed to target budgetary support, not sector support. Vital programs for agriculture and public health are by no means at risk. Furthermore, these are temporary pauses on revenue for Kigali, when Kagame reassures the West that claims of his connections to Ntaganda are fraudulent, it will be business as usual before long.
Or will it?
These claims are not rumors. First-hand accounts from defecting rebels say they were trained within Rwanda’s borders. Much of the M23 demonstrate characteristics, i.e. tactics, uniforms, and weapons that are more reminiscent of the Rwandan Patriotic Front than any Congolese military. Evidence continues to mount against Kigali’s pleas of ignorance. The U.S. can always add a few extra zeroes to their aid cuts, knowing exactly whom it will target to assure no collateral damage for development assistance. But their diplomatic pressure is only contingent upon public pressure at home.
As fighting intensifies throughout Eastern Congo, the International Criminal Court has amplified their response through two fresh arrest warrants for a familiar face, Bosco “the Terminator” Ntaganda, and Hutu military commander Sylvestre Mudacumura.
Much like his rival incarnations of the 1994 genocide, Mudacumura has been instrumental in the Kivu conflict, committing no less than nine different counts of war crimes through 2009 and 2010. He now commands the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a militia of leftover genocidaires who carried their fight across the border in the late 90s. The last bastion of Hutu power, the FDLR has been at constant odds with Ntaganda’s compatriots as well as his successors in the emerging M23 militia.
The destabilization of the Kivu provinces, and successive human rights abuses, have all been the handiwork of such ethnically based paramilitaries, vying for regional dominance. The ICC’s list of indictments amid this conflict have all been particularly one-sided, comprising Tutsi militants backed by Rwanda. The addition of Mudacumura to the mix indicates a willingness to eliminate belligerents on both sides from the battlefield. However, the Kabila administration remains insistent that these criminals are captured and tried by their own people. Immediate, increased dialogue between the ICC and the Congolese government is imperative for justice to be delivered to the shattered communities of Kivu. Only together can they facilitate the difficult process of bringing the indicted to light.
